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This week we’ll continue our mini-series on the origins of systematic ideas with an examination of democracy. To this end, we’ve revisited the work of one of the greatest living scholars of Ancient Greek history: Paul Cartledge. Cartledge gives us an idea of the mindset he brings to the task right in the book’s dedication, which is made to two individuals. One is Josh Ober, a historian of Ancient Greece and classical political theorist, and another is “Freeborn” John Liliburne – a radical Leveller of the 17th century who fought for the idea that individuals are born with rights that can never be granted or taken away by government or by human law.
Cartledge wants the reader to understand democracy as he does. He establishes meanings of the word “democracy” itself and lays out the special circumstances that enabled the rise and continuation of “People Power” (demokratia) in ancient Athens. He then compares and contrasts the democracies that emerged in many other ancient Greek city-states without being overly triumphalist; he pays special attention to the strong anti-democratic trend among intellectuals of the time. Most of the highly educated class of the day was, after all, composed of aristocrats who had been disempowered by democratic governments. Finally, Cartledge traces the decline of democratic ideals and practice during the dominance of Hellenistic kingdoms and the Roman empire; he continues the story of decline and eventual rebirth through the Middle Ages, Renaissance, early-modern Europe and into the present day.
If we’re being honest, a full treatment of all these topics would require a multi-volume history. Predictably based on his background, Cartledge really gives the strongest treatment to the history of democracy from about 600 BC to 200 BC. In true Cartledge fashion, he gives the reader so much detail from his vast reservoir of knowledge about the period that it can be overwhelming. One of the highlights we’d like to call out is the theme Cartledge emphasizes of democracy being an ideal progressively worked toward by the Athenians over four centuries.
Schoolchildren who are taught about Athenian democracy in any depth are often first presented with the definition of democracy as “people power” or “rule by the people”. They may then be taught about Solon’s reforms in the early sixth century BC, which established a structured constitution generally acknowledged as a major improvement over tyranny or strict oligarchy. Students may then learn about Cleisthenes’ reforms later in the same century, especially the introduction of a greater role for free citizens to vote and make key decisions. This democracy is typically seen as reaching its peak in the fifth century BC before being extinguished by the Spartans; little attention is given at all to ancient Athens after the Peloponnesian War.
Cartledge acknowledges these steps, albeit with much more detail. For example, he examines the etymology of the word “democracy” from multiple angles. He is keen to argue that Athenian democracy went through four distinct stages – 508/7-462/1, 462/1-404, 403-336 and 336-322 BC – with the peak coming in the second quarter of the fourth century BC. Cartledge is also keen to trace the overall trend toward greater empowerment of the demos by Athenian democratic government, while democracy in other Greek city-states tended to be more moderate.
Cartledge privileges the reader with a tour through many of the wonderful highlights of Athenian democracy. We enjoyed his telling of the Athenians’ revolution against the Pisistratids, the rise of citizenship based on membership of the demos rather than of a tribe, legal reforms that gave free citizens not only the right to vote but the perhaps more impactful power of sitting on juries, the increased power of the people once Athens emerged as a primarily naval rather than land-based power and the Ephialtic-Periclean reforms that made Athens a democracy in name as well as in fact.
While we tend to cherish these developments today, there are rational reasons why democracy was a dirty word for most educated people living prior to the nineteenth century. At times, the demos spun a bit out of control in Athens and became a tyrant in its own right. Hellenistic kingdoms largely snuffed out democracy while paying lip service to its high ideals; the Romans would try to snuff it out entirely in favor of oligarchies. We think it’s right to understand the views of critics like Aristotle, who advocated for a mixed constitution that incorporated elements of democracy tempered by undemocratic institutions.
Cartledge acknowledges the tension between the democratic and anti-democratic impulse over the last few centuries. We credit the resulting compromises with playing a major role in producing modern governments which enable the demos to effectively rule without becoming too much of a tyrant. They’re different in the sense that modern states are different from the communitarian, slave-owning city-states of ancient Greece; but in many other ways, modern democratic states seek to address the eternal problems of political philosophy in ways that the ancient Greeks would recognize. We’re glad to have Paul Cartledge’s excellent work to shed light on the complex underpinnings of the long, proud tradition we continue to live with today.
All the best,
The Citizen Scholar Team
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Discussion #42: Democracy: A Life, by Paul Cartledge